According to the timetable of the roadmap of the transition process, there are approximately three months left before the holding of elections on December 26, 2021, which would constitute the completion of this stage..
It is in this context that Egyptian-Libyan talks took place on September 14 in Cairo between President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, the Speaker of the Libyan Parliament, Aguila Saleh, and the General Commander of the Libyan National Army ( LNA), Marshal Khalifa. Haftar.
These talks represented a continuation of the strengthening of the Egyptian-Libyan strategic partnership, which was manifested by the holding of the second round of meetings of the Joint High Committee between the two countries, chaired by the two prime ministers two days later..
The Libyan side at these meetings was represented by a high-level delegation that included virtually all members of the Government of National Unity (GNU), and was led by Prime Minister Abdel-Hamid Dbeibah, who also met with President El- Sisi the same day.
Contrary to the orientations of many parties involved in the Libyan dossier, the Egyptian position stands out for its global vision, which includes the implementation of all the rights agreed in the Libyan road map without limiting the transition process to elections only..
These rights include the completion of the process of unification of the divided institutions, the end of all manifestations of external interference by the military presence in the country, the withdrawal of foreign fighters and the resolution of the case of the armed factions.
Cairo’s position is based on the belief that the persistence of these manifestations of foreign interference in the country will not only negatively affect the entire political process in the run-up to the elections, but, and perhaps more importantly, will affect also the readiness of different parties to accept its results, in an undesirable repeat of the 2012 scenario.
Egypt’s vision also rests on the calculation that the existence and activation of these protests will affect Egyptian national security..
In a development that would have an impact on the security situation in Libya, Marshal Haftar, the commander of the ANL, would have to announce his candidacy for the presidential elections, which would mean that, according to the law, he would relinquish his post for three months. before the poll.
Should this occur, Cairo should be informed of the special arrangements made by the LNA General Command during the coming period to deal with Haftar’s resignation as commander..
This would be relevant in particular because of the existence of common border security devices, in addition to the continuation of the operation led by an ANL brigade, with the support of France, in the south of the country against the Chadian rebels..
Also, in the same context, it is possible to see a link between the Egyptian-Libyan talks which took place in Cairo in mid-September and the second round of Egyptian-Turkish exploratory talks which took place a week earlier. The common denominator of the statements made by the Egyptian and Turkish sides following the second round talks reveals that the Libyan dossier is a central dossier on the table..
However, the extent to which Ankara is ready to welcome Cairo in its insistence on making a breakthrough on this file, as a means of restoring normal relations between the two countries, remains contingent on Turkey’s next step..
Another central indication that can be discerned in the Egyptian statement released after the second round of Egyptian-Turkish talks is Cairo’s emphasis on dealing with all Libyan parties equally to realize human rights. The roadmap. This was signified by the presence of the majority of Libyan leaders last week in Cairo at the same time. He asserts that Cairo is extending the bridges of communication with everyone to achieve the interim goals, and to bring the different Libyan parties closer together to prevent the reoccurrence of the GNU government situation and the reappearance of political and military conflict fronts..
Indeed, the recent process of “cooling” of the Libyan conflicts during the current transition phase – after a long costly period – may have contributed to an additional rapprochement between all the forces involved in the Libyan arena, a rapprochement illustrated by l adoption of a new perspective on conflict that relies to some extent on understanding and coordinating economic and security interests.
Such coordination requires two things: the first is the existence of a unified central authority that can be addressed and, the second, limits the repercussions of the security fragility in Libya, which has increased the cost of maintaining regional security for neighboring countries. of Libya – and perhaps also on the European scene – in particular as regards border security for neighboring countries, the files of the fight against illegal migration and the fight against terrorism, in particular, for European countries.
In addition, it also seems that a deeper rapprochement between most of the parties concerned has also resulted from their mutual recognition of two things: the next step on the Libyan front is, firstly, that of the mutual sharing of economic benefits within the framework of of Libyan politics. reconstruction program, which the European Union (EU) estimates to exceed $ 100 billion and, secondly, of course, involves dealing with security cases.
The scope and nature of the agreements concluded within the framework of the Egyptian-Libyan Joint Higher Committee reflect the extent of the will of the two parties to develop their cooperation, bringing added value and mutual benefits for both parties..
However, while Cairo sees as significant the economic benefits for Egypt from its participation in Libyan reconstruction, it also appreciates the positive impact that an improvement in the security situation and the establishment of stability in Libya would have on the development process of its neighbor..
Indeed, one of the main principles underlined by the Egyptian discourse is the importance of distributive justice and social justice which requires the achievement of development in all regions of Libya, as there are regions of the country, in especially southern Libya, which are largely lacking in the development and reconstruction process.